Who was and who is the real master of Moldova?
How was created the Moldovan Kadyrov?
Please do not label the title of this article as an “exaggerated press scandal” before you reach reading it till the end.
For the last eight years and, especially, for the last four years of Voronin’s governing, almost all businesses that are more or less profitable (private enterprises, financial flows, administrative positions) have changed its legal owners. In cases when the State was the owner, previous morally correct managers were changed and consequently the control over these state enterprises switched to a different person. By “coincidence”, the beneficiary “mass transfer of ownership and influence” became the previously not well known Vladimir Plahotniuc. He is the only person who concentrated in his hands almost all state structures and businesses existing in Moldova. Analyzing the activity of the Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption and reviewing the statistical data on the cases investigated by this body it is obvious that for the last years, the Center used the same standard operations constituting “use of force for illegal takeovers” on businesses. The system of takeover always used arrests and induction of terror on legal shareholders and always ended up in the registration of the assets or transfer of control over to the above mentioned so-called “businessman”, Plahotniuc. Another method to reach the same goal was the usage of the court system and if anyone would analyze the court decisions of the judge Colenco, as well as a simple statistical data on the registration of assets by Chisinau registrars, he would come to this obvious conclusion. Moreover, all these years, people across Moldova continued to secretly whisper one to one another that Oleg Voroning and sometimes his farther were “grabbing businesses from former owners with both hands”.
Neither Voronin, nor his nearest associates with the Communist Party (Misin, Tcaciuc, Stepaniuc, Bondarciuc, Turcan, Calin) either did not benefit from their governing, or this benefit can be neglected if is compared with the “efficiency” of Plahotniuc. Today, we can say confidently that almost all affairs and “transactions” that were attributed publicly and intentionally to Oleg Voronin and his farther under a staged propaganda by Plahotniuc himself appears to be in fact the work of just the same person – Vladimir Plahotniuc.
Voronin did not even know that during his dictatorial lengthy reign, people around him were firstly calling Plahotniuc prior to go and report to Voronin on “scenarios” specially developed and “focused for the expected reactions of Voronin” and, afterwards, after seeing the President, they would report immediately to Plahotniuc concerning the results of these meetings, conversations and even simple information on the mood of the “leader”. Voronin did not even suspect that all this time all these persons were bearing in their pockets secret mobile phones with one number only – of Plahotniuc. Voronin did not even know that his anger and “neurotic sense of justice” is controlled from the small rooms of “Nobil Club” and that all logistics of his “spontaneous decisions” was prepared thoroughly in this night club, at that time being the main headquarters of diversions of Vladimir Plahotniuc.
Here is the top only of this iceberg of “Nobil Club visitors” and “bearers of secret phones”: ministers (Dodon, Baldovici, Lazar), councilors of Voronin (Reidman), guards and personal secretaries of Voronin, representatives of the Communist Party (Lupu, Stepaniuc), representatives of Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption (Minjinschii, Zubreanu, Suhan, Galeru, Sircu), people representing supervising authorities (Cibotaru, National Commission of Financial Market; Carare, Fair Competition Protection Agency), Morei (Security Council), Gorincioi (Coordinating Council on Audiovisual), judges (Colenco, Namasco, Rotaru and “company”), police commissars (Zubic), bankers (Gacichevici, Banca de Еconomii; and, personally Dragutanu, the Chairman of the National Bank, as a “beginner in the club”), Gusev (Moldova-Gaz), Carp (Aroma), Baleca (Franzeluta), Iurcu (MoldTelecom), Volc (Metal Ferrous), investigators, customers… all of them are obedient agents in the web of Vladimir Plahotniuc.
One could see members of this team and entering “carefully looking over their shoulder one by one” from the courtyard of “Nobil Club”, located on Eminescu Street, “Codru” Hotel, located on Maria Cibotari Street, “Grill House” Restaurant, located on August 31st Street and “Nobil Luxury Boutique Hotel” itself. While representatives of political power were preoccupied with consolidation and operability of State’s institutions, Plahotniuc was preoccupied always with a single task: how to subdue these institutions and, moreover, how to take over the entire governmental hierarchy.
It is very hard to find in Moldova a business which is profitable and barely known by the public that was not seized by Plahotniuc by means of terror, criminal cases, judicial manipulations and obvious criminal abuses. Also, it is also almost impossible to find objects in the register of land and buildings property and land plots in Chisinau that represent any interest and that did not appear finally in the ownership of Plahotniuc whether in the result of ”commercial” transactions with participation of terror causing authorities (“the Center for fighting against those who resist Plahotniuc in seizing businesses”) or by decision of judges like Colenco or in the result of “fair privatization” like the transaction concerning the “Codru” Hotel located in the very center of city and bought by Plahotniuc during the last days of Voronin within the framework of a “tender agreed with Dodon”.
Going further, let’s note that “Codru” Hotel in general and all supporting buildings located in the very center of Chisinau were bought for a sum representing only a small share of the amounts spent by the State for the reparation of this hotel, which is 400 thousand dollars. It is obvious from the report of the Court of Accounts that the losses of the state from this transaction only has amounted to at least more than 15 million dollars, and this is only one example of the many “acquisitions” of the “successful businessman” Plahotniuc. Today, Plahotniuc has opened his office in the “Codru” Hotel and has placed there many of his “supporting services”. During the electoral campaign, many politicians of AEI were promising to deal with this “transaction”. However, Plahotniuc (in order to “calm the spirits”) has ordered personally General Prosecutor Zubco to “open a never-ending investigation” concerning this privatization, which is still going on. About Zubco will discuss a little later.
It is important to note that until recently Plahotniuc managed to subdue the most important institutional pillars of the state, though he was short of three important figures: the General Prosecutor, the Head of SIS and the Governor of the National Bank. Gurbulea and Resetnicov were the last to keep loyalty to their “boss” Voronin, while Talmaci denied simply “serving” Plahotniuc due to personal enmity. As it is already known, the first above-mentioned problem is already settled by naming Zubco in the position of General Prosecutor. Everyone knows that Zubco is married to the sister of Ghenadie Sajin, manager of the «Drive» club, owned by Plahotniuc. Sajin himself has introduced Zubco to Plahotniuc in his office at the “Codru” hotel, where Zubco being a person “unknown within the Prosecution system” waited for a couple of days before his appointment that became a big “surprise” even for AEI. Now, there are lots of evidence gathered on how Zubco (through Sajin or, which occurs more and more often last time, through Constantin Botnari, the right hand of Plahotniuc) reports weekly to Plahotniuc about current affairs and receives instructions for next week. According to verbalized information provided by Plahotniuc himself, he has paid two millions of Euros to Urecheanu in order for the latter to cede the right of nominalization of the candidate for the position of the General Prosecutor to Lupu, and consequently Urecheanu ceded this right to Plahotniuc directly. Of course, it is unclear how these politicians will investigate the deeds of Plahotniuc, if these strands will lead sooner or later to them themselves? By the way, this is basically the explanation for the “strange” position of the General Prosecution on both previous and current investigations.
It is obvious that Plahotniuc has managed not only to keep safe his people introduced into the system during Voronin’s regime. Almost nobody was discharged in operating public authorities. And facts alone speak a lot about AEI will to reform. Furthermore, AEI has promoted some “Plahotniuc’s people”, with its “own forces” this time, continuing to expand the web of Plahotniuc. Both the nomination of Dragutanu to the position of Governor of National Bank (through his “colleague from PriceWaterHouseCoopers” Andrian Candu, being the godson and personal lawyer of Plahotniuc) and appointment of Chetraru to the position of CCCEC Director (with whom Plahotniuc meets weekly in a villa outside Chisinau, without the knowledge of Filat (the Prime-minister being the direct superior of Chetraru) can be brought as examples. It is critically important for Plahotniuc to complete the circle of vertical hierarchy institutions assigned with investigative powers (the General Prosecution Office, SIS and CCCEC) in order to settle four vitally important tasks: (1) to conceal unlawful acts committed for the last eight years; (2) to prevent any attempts of investigative actions; (3) to protect current assets and capitals; and (4) to continue in the future his attacks. For these key positions in the State, Plahotniuc will struggle without any boxing gloves to the end and, literally, it is a matter of life and death for him. For that, Plahotniuc will pay any price and he already began doing it. Because capitals and interests are enormous, Plahotniuc will pay huge amounts of money. By now, nobody can believe that it is possible to “acquire” assets evaluated at hundred million dollars stepping on people’s misery and all of that happening in a few years only.
It was always important for Plahotniuc not only to “appoint own men” to key positions selecting weak, greedy, corrupted people that are easy to blackmail. He always took care of their professional briefing as to “how to lie in different situations” whether during press-conferences, reports or “oaths of faith and loyalty to first persons of the State”. Probably, you still remember how Zubco expressed his wish at some press-conference to be “acquainted” with Plahotniuc although a few hours earlier he left his office. Right now, we shall not give examples from press-conferences of Chetraru or Zumbreanu, which also were marked with extreme cynicism and impudent lies – both of them representing the favorite instruments of Plahotniuc used for “feeding the general public with lies».
In order to control also the political market, the tycoon Plahotniuc monopolizes mass media as well: “ОRT/Prime”, “TVR1/2 Plus” and other TV and radio stations. Together with other channels like “TV3” and “EuTV”, purchased on the name of some group of “trustworthy people”, Plahotniuc approaches the electoral campaign controlling more than 60% of the media market, which exceeds the “critical” level. The advertising market is also already subdued to Plahotniuc through “Casa Media”, which is owned completely by Plahotniuc and controls almost 80% of all advertising money in Moldova (about 20 million US Dollars). Currently, the media segment of Plahotniuc covers more than 85% dependency of the whole market. Today, the most urgent plan of Plahotniuc consists in the following: “getting rid of “NIT” using АЕI”, “bring “Publika TV” and “Jurnal TV” to some level of control”, “neutralize Moldova 1” and prevent any other appearance of possible competitors. By making payments to own men in Chisinau printing houses, Plahotniuc controls also the appearance of “unpleasant” articles in printed media. He also pays for distribution of “dirty” and “planted” articles in both local editions (like “Timpul”) and some Moscow newspapers. Accurate “cleanings” of Internet links with materials showing Plahotniuc in a “bad light” (in other words in its true from) occurs periodically and it is done by a special group of people. As many of us have noted already, the “team of image-makers from Romania and Kiev”are dealing already with “cleaning the criminal name” and “political promotion of Plahotniuc”. Considerable resources are reserved for this purpose. Thus, Plahotniuc is a candidate himself and may appoint political forces for the approaching elections.
It is known that Lupu is Plahotniuc’s man; he is his long-term “investment” and his political project. Lupu, as it follows from his indecisive character, did not take the decision of leaving the Communist Party himself. Instead of him, this decision was adopted by Plahotniuc, who did it having quite a specific plan for the future. Multiple evidences are the very weekly visits of Lupu “with reports and further planning” to both the “Nobil Club” and new residence of Plahotniuc, in “Codru” Hotel, depending on the will of his so-called “boss”. As it is known, almost all candidates recommended by Lupu (and, of course, all of these candidates are named in institutions with power) are Plahotniuc’s people, while Lupu only “presents them to the public”. For example, Lupu found out about Zubco’s candidature in the day of his nomination. As far back as four years ago, in order to make the Communist Party weaker and recognizing that it will be impossible to avoid punishment form Voronin, Plahotniuc started working over his “Lupu” project. Let’s remind that four out of five (4 out of 5!) first positions in the first version of election list of the Diacov’s Democratic Party were Plahotniuc’s people: Lupu, Lazar (even from the times of Voronin), Andrian Candu (personal lawyer and the godson of Plahotniuc) and Cristina Andrievschi-Balan (manager of the “Codru” Holding acquired recently under the same slogan: “Oleg grabs everything!”). Subsequently, the last two persons were removed from the list presented by the Democratic Party on the 17th of June, 2009, but the draft remained on their website, because it became already clear that almost all “Nobil Club” is relocated to the Parliament. In conformity with Plahotniuc’s plan, Lupu had to nominate Plahotniuc to the position of Prime-Minister immediately after the election of Lupu as the President of the Republic of Moldova. Afterwards, the «project» could be considered as completed and it would be possible to commence with lynching the last resisting people. Then, the Republic of Moldova’s transformation to “Plahotniuc” LLC will be finally completed both de jure and de facto.
When it became clear that the plan of “Lupu – President” failed, or at least is postponed, another “plan” of Plahotniuc appeared and it contains several main changes and now it is not limited already by “the nomination to the position of Prime-Minister of Plahotniuc”. He is well informed on the risks of “disobedience and unpredictability of politicians”. Therefore, Lupu will be used as an “engine” only and only with the goal of entering the Parliament. Afterwards, he will become useless and even an encumbrance for Plahotniuc, who will treat him in a similar manner as his predecessors – “he will be thrown overboard! The plan is simple and elegant – exactly in the style of Plahotniuc: a man with very “low IQ” plus a desire for maximal egoistic gain who cannot create something more complex. Plahotniuc still takes into consideration the idea of “infiltrating” into the electoral list of the Democratic Party into the second position, immediately after Lupu. He carries out already separate negotiations on this matter with Diacov. People say that Diacov already invents “arguments” in order to convince Lupu in this “correct and timely move to include Plahotniuc on the list” based on the simple reason that “money have no smell!” As you already have noted, some attempts to “correct the image of the successful businessman Plahotniuc” are already under way on the TV stations owned by Plahotniuc, especially on “Prime” TV. These are just the first signs of “Plahotniuc entrance into politics”. By the end of this year already, Plahotniuc sees himself in the role of “Kadyrov”, in other words the absolute and sole “godfather“ (crime boss) that will result in consequences more serious than ones that are already described.
Plahotniuc says often that beside Lupu, he also funds Urecheanu. Plahotniuc named himself the amount of 600 thousands Euro that he spent for electoral campaigns for both of the above mentioned persons. Some of the key figures of the Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption (Zumbreanu, Muntean, Suhan, Sircu, as well as Chetraru, head of this “Center for fighting against targeted victims of Plahotniuc”, are among the “recipients” of money envelopes from Plahotniuc), two deputies of the Head of the Security Service being responsible for wiretaps, as well as other officials from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the General Prosecution Office (not even remembering about Zubco) are maintained constantly as well.
Despite the attempts of Plahotniuc to make “interesting offers” directly or through intermediaries, the only politician that is not controlled by Plahotniuc (yet) is Vladimir Filat. Filat, the same as Voronin during his reign, will be subjected to a massive flow of reports and informational notes signed by civil servants, but written in the office rooms of Plahotniuc with the goal of manipulation and disinformation under the same system and methods that were effective during the Voronin reign. However, Plahotniuc has real life experience on removal of Tarlev. For Plahotniuc, “the removal of Tarlev” was a long-lasting project of data collection and gradual “informational poisoning” of Voronin. Let us remind you that in those days newspapers and Internet editions were indicating the name of Plahotniuc as one of the nearest nominees to the recently available position of the Prime-Minister. Thus, Plahotniuc is prepared fundamentally, professionally and with a large package of “technical know-how” to settle the problem of “Filat removal”. Of course, the whole “Nobil Club” and Plahotniuc office in “Codru” Hotel is working now heartily at this priority task. Naturally, Plahotniuc is ready to pay any money, because by this means all problems can be solved. It is clear that Plahotniuc plays an all-or-nothing game.
Let us wonder what are your chances to oppose the crimes of Plahotniuc in circumstances when you are a politician, businessman or authority and the whole “Plahotniuc State” rake cares of you “on purpose”? When you and your inner circle (including family) is monitored by Muntean (CCCEC with all technology owned by the State) in order to find out “problems”? When, afterwards, Zumbreanu and Co. (investigators and prosecutors of CCCEC under obvious cover of Chetraru) will open criminal cases (being “authorized by the State to any crimes and police outrage”) that will be forwarded subsequently to the General Prosecutor Zubco appointed by the Parliament (or rather by Plahotniuc) for “supervision over the legality” and further, through an hierarchy of courts, where they will be distributed by chairmen of these courts to already decided judges (whose decision are already written and “retiring funds” are already “assured”), and further on to Colenco, Muruianu and Moldovanu “in various courts” in order to “reassure” previously taken decisions, as well as to work for “received advance payments”? And, how many people have passed already through this “algorithm”, how many fates were “crushed” by this machine? It would be more properly to ask: How many destines remained untouched? I doubt that even in dictatorial states, the “State machine” can work so consistently and its participants can be so “motivated”. I doubt that even during the reign of the Egypt Pharaoh or the Russian Tsar so many state resources were working with such eagerness.
For the last eight years, Plahotniuc has collected an enormous archive of compromising materials, records of talks and phone conversations, video records with “private” contents, counterfeited letters, banking and other documents. The majority of these “priceless materials” is stored in a specially designed bunker in Grozesti, the native village of Plahotniuc. Its safety is in the hands of Constantin Botnari, being in addition the Plahotniuc “specially authorized person” for delivering cash money envelopes. People say that Oleg Voronin personally is the champion of appearances in the materials of this archive, though his farther is also presented quite often in it (including because the multiple flights of Voronin using the personal plane of Plahotniuc). Although Vladimir Andronachi is formally responsible for the administration of “Nobil Air”, its owner is Plahotniuc himself, of course. As it is expected, currently, the above-mentioned “library” is completed intensively with “fresh” materials on politicians and, first of all, with ones from the nearest and friendly circles (Democratic Party first of all).
The accounting data on transactions of the Communist Party, including data on personal banking operations, operations with credit cards and operations in cash related to Voronin family members is itemized in a list of compromising materials. It should be noted that private and, especially, family “operations” gathering is a personal hobby of Plahotniuc. Permanent monitoring and photographing at work, home and with the family, sending of anonymous letters and fake photos, counterfeiting records and electronic messages resulted frequently in dissention and conflicts even in the most close-knit families. If only they had known where these problems came from! Often, Plahotniuc has more “compromising materials” on wives, children and “office-girls” of politicians, rather than on these politicians themselves. Many of them had already the possibility to find out that based on their personal experience personally. Based on the information presented by some people in Moscow, where Plahotniuc is arriving occasionally on his own personal plane in great secrecy, he intends to use these “compromising materials” for blackmailing or for trade – a secret information market is existing already in Moscow, although DVDs with Moldovan politicians are not in great demand yet.
During the last eight years, Plahotniuc was using simple methods: knowing the character and “painful places” of Voronin, he was causing panic or hysteria and was using this condition; afterwards, Voronin was receiving from his inner circle confirmations orchestrated by Plahotniuc and was adopting them as “sufficient proof” followed by “urgent instructions” for Minjinschi, Papuc and Gurbulea, and, in the end, Plahotniuc was seizing businesses creating a bad image for the previous owners in order to create an image of “personal enemy of Voronin” in order to avoid follow-up action from the legal owner and conducting Voronin to make errors. Either Plahotniuc was exploiting Voronin’s habit not to verify presented data or Voronin was checking this data with people from the Plahotniuc inner circle that was “already instructed” by Plahotniuc using “magic money envelopes”. Another efficient system that was working efficiently consisted in competing one of the Voronin tasks with 5-6 “Voronin’s tasks” that were actually coming from Plahotniuc. Plahotniuc was always representing himself to business environment as the “single man Voronin has trust in” and as the “the shortest and most reliable way to the ears and grace of Voronin”. One of the roles of Reidman consisted in the following: to “send everybody to Plahotniuc” with the following words: “the boss, the Farther, Voronin, in other words, in any case will send you to his authorized person – Plahotniuc”. Plahotniuc was acting simply and subtly calling these criminal schemes “combinations” because of his with criminal’s pride. Those hopelessly naive businessmen that wished to solve their problems and addressed Plahotniuc were forced soon enough to hand over their business or control over it. Namely in such a “manner”, the so-called “businessman Plahotniuc” has gathered enormous wealth, estimated for multiple dozens of millions of dollars and namely in such a “manner”, he has subdued the most part of Moldovan economy. The main thing in this “system” was to keep others as far as possible from the access to Voronin or to control his surrounding environment. Now, Plahotniuc is confident that the role of Voronin as “sole administrator” will come directly to him. Plahotniuc considers that at least one third of votes of the parliamentary fraction of the Communist Party are guaranteed to him under the same reason that “Money does not smell!” for some members and that “cases are not closed for no particular reason” for others.
Criminal records of Plahotniuc are known quite well from a lot of previous publications: from human traffic to smuggling of prohibited goods, including weaponry from Transnistria, to traffic of “women” to Italy and Balkan states. That time, Plahotniuc was yet an inglorious criminal, hiding often from Moldavan justice and investigative bodies under various names in Balkan states. Even now, Plahotniuc has several passports with different citizenships. In every passport, at least one letter is changed, including the initial name “Plohotniuc” (ploho means badly) used subtly by his neighbors in the Grozesti village to underline the character of “one of their neighbors”. In those days, Plahotniuc met Minjinschii that was then a young and naive officer struggling honestly with organized crime. By the way, the present head of the personal guard of Plahotniuc is a Russian FSS (Federal Security Service) collaborator from Moscow, since local men that know in details the true “raise to power history” of Plahotniuc are treated by him with pathologic distrust and fear. As observed, even during those years, “the laurels of the Prime Minister” haunted the mind of Plahotniuc. Most “operations” of Plahotniuc related to the Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption were carried out by just the same person – Bogdan Zumbreanu, the promoted person and the godson of Minjinschi, which being promoted recently by the decision of Chetraru to the connivance of AEI or with its ignorance. We have to suppose that Chetraru was acting under direct order of Plahotniuc. However, over a period of this criminal biography, Plahotniuc did never restrict himself to decent methods: either his business partners were suddenly severely beaten or they irrationally and for no reason were recording all property and shares in joint ventures on the name of Plahotniuc or just disappeared and no one knows their location.
Plahotniuc represents a “systematic risk”. He is a risk for the State in general, for fundamental foundations and pillars of the statehood and consequently his situation must be dealt by an appropriate state authority – the Supreme Council of National Security. Previously, it could not do that, since Morei, one of its members was one of the Plahotniuc people. But now, these barriers are obviously gone and the joint team of honest, non-corrupted, principled investigators from the General Prosecution Office, SIS and CCCEC can begin investigating the above mentioned cases of illegalities. There is no even need for this team to base their investigation on facts disclosed by this article. It is enough to verify simple disclosed facts. It is impossible for Plahotniuc to quickly hide his assets using offshore companies (many of them are registered directly on the name of Vera Morozan, Plahotniuc’s sister) and witnesses, who are ready for a long time to present evidences (Andrievschi-Balan, Mucuta, Andronachi, Dnestrean, Uscov, Volcov, Jilihovschii, Cusnir, Sajin). Sooner or later, the Moldovan politicians will recognize the “Plahotniuc problem” as a “systematic problem of our state”, and as the most important danger for the existence of themselves. When Plahotniuc will come to power (and, this catastrophic collapse can occur this autumn already), the political class of Moldova in general will become unnecessary. Now, following the subordination of investigative and judicial bodies, financial flows and media resources, Plahotniuc allege to political supremacy or, to be more exact, to the role of the “Godfather” of Moldova.
P.S. We are all witnesses that the “substitution of the main political players” (the Communist Party removed by AEI), and the change of “power” did not result in any changes in our life. Somebody noted even an obvious degradation of the quality of life. However, this is quite easy to explain: the real power has changed, but the real master is the same!